Thursday, July 27, 2006

Lukashenko No Rocket Scientist

Yesterday, a Russian space rocket carrying 18 satellites crashed shortly after takeoff from Baikonur spacebase in Kazakhstan, as reported by international media. The accident presents a serious setback for Belarus new and proud space-programme. The rocket was carrying Belka - Belarus' first to be human-made object in space. As it now appears, this dream was never realised.

Since Kazakhstan became independent in 1991, Russia has kept on to its spacebase in Baikonur by a bilateral lease agreement, which runs until 2050. Baikonur has since been used as a launching-pad for numerous satellites, mainly for commercial purposes. One pleasant twist to activities at the spacebase is that Russia uses converted intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) for these peaceful purposes, thus literally turning swords into ploughshares. Working on a commercial basis, Baikonur has also allowed other countries to enter the space age, as should have become the case also for Belarus on Wednesday.

Thus, it was with great pride that Belarus president Alyaksandr Lukashenka yesterday stood watching how the country's first satellite took off from Baikonur space-centre in Kazakhstan. As the rocket rose to the skies, it was to become a short-lived joy for Lukashenka. But 86 seconds after take-off, the rocket started twirling to the ground to eventually explode in a burst of fire. Regretfully, no media reported Lukashenka's reaction to the crash. Let us however assume that it would not have been his one and a half minute of glory.

Of course, had Lukashenka himself been a rocket-scientist, the accident would never have happened. One cannot but pause to wonder, why this very gifted man does not master also rocket science, but perhaps not even Lukashenka can be omnipotent. Therefore, someone else has to take the blame for failure. Yesterday, Belarus opposition leader Milinkevich was arrested by police. It will be interesting to see whether he will be charged for sabotaging Belarus glorious space programme. After all, the motto of the regime is: "Together towards a strong and prosperous Belarus!" Then some insignificant little opposition leader should not be allowed to sabotage Belarus' glorious and bright future under the wise leadership of president Lukashenka. Or should he?

Russia Convicted by Court of Europe

On Thursday, the European Court of Human Rights made its first ruling on Russia's war in Chechnya, BBC reports. The verdict, which rules Russia guilty of the disappearance of a Chechen man in 1999, is a landmark in dealing with human rights violations in Chechnya. Above all, it sets a precedent for the some 200 similar cases that are pending ruling by the Court of Europe.

In 1999, 25-year-old Khadzhi-Murat Yandiyev disappeared in Chechnya after being detained by Russian troops. In 2000, his mother, Fatima Bazorkina, was shocked by seeing her disappeared son on television. The footage shows how Russian troops have detained her son in the village of Alkhan-Kala, and how a Russian general questions him. In the end, the general shouts: "Take him away, finish him off, shoot him, damn it!" Since then, there are no reports of Yandiyev's destiny, and he is supposed dead. The general giving the order, Alexander Baranov, has later been promoted and awarded the order Hero of Russia.

In 2001, Yandiyev's mother filed a complaint against Russia to the the Court of Europe. As many other relatives of the estimated 5000 people who have disappeared in Chechnya since 1999, Bazorkina has fought a long and arduous legal battle to find out what happened to her son. Even if the European Court ruling will not reveal this, the verdict still serves to recognise the tragic deaths of individuals bereft of their human rights in Chechnya.

The ruling thus signifies the rehabilitation of human value in the face of extensive Russian war crimes in Chechnya. Above all, however, it comes as a welcome sign that Chechnya has not been forgotten, and that law eventually will prevail - this at a time when both the EU and the US have remained silent on Chechnya since 2001.

Sunday, July 23, 2006

Russkoe Bistro vs. McDonald's

Great fortunes are made by catering to the basic needs of people. This is a fundamental economic fact. What all people need is what all people buy. This is why potatoes during famines have been more expensive than meat. People buy first what they think is most needed, even if better alternatives are cheaper. Alternatively, if there is a choice, subjective factors such as taste and image play an important role in consumer behaviour. The company that succeeds in combining needs and tastes truly sits on a money making machine.

Fast food is perhaps not the first thing that comes to mind when thinking of basic needs, but today the industry generates massive profit worldwide, because an increasing number of people find the relative price in time of fast food lower than that of home-cooking. The niche of fast food manufacturers has broadened to such an extent in many industrialised countries, that the industry is on the verge of catering to the basic needs of people.

One has only to think of the McDonald's saga to realise the enormity of potential revenues if one succeeds in getting a cut of the fast food market. McDonald's success relies on great sensitivity in forming and doctoring a positive trademark for its consumer target group by a common and dynamic concept worldwide. This is McDonald's success story no matter what one may think of how the food chain generates profits. In big-busines, morality has no place when it comes to making money.

So, are McDonald's products significantly superior to those of all other fast food chains as to earn it the market share it has. No, certainly not. What McDonald's offers is simply a well-tuned concept - balancing pricing and trademark - to make customers prefer their products. One always knows what one gets at McDonald's. It is a safe bet. Objectively, though, there are certainly many other better alternatives for consumers. What most alternatives however lack is the concept that continuously draws new generations of customers.

In 1995, Russkoe Bistro was founded as Russia's first fast food chain. The concept was simple and elegant, namely providing high-quality traditional Russian cuisine in a fast food package at lower prices than its competitors. The products on offer were what customers in Western Europe and the US paid several dollars more for at more up-market restaurants than what they would if having a hamburger at McDonald's. Russkoe Bistro simply offered better products at lower prices - real food and not the junk offered by most fast food chains.

The menu was meticulously elaborated by the All-Russian Food Institute and little effort was spared to present customers with an appetising assortment of cheap but tasty traditional Russian dishes made entirely out of high-quailty domestic products. The simple and wholesome menu seemed a sure recipe for success.

Furthermore, Russkoe Bistro's trademark was carefully chosen to align with an image susceptible to Russian tastes also on the subjective level. The company logotype portrayed a cossack, which in combination with its name - Russkoe Bistro - conveyed positive historical connotations to consumers.

There is a well-known popular story on how the Russian troops that defeated Napoleon in the 19th century, sat about the Paris cafés and restaurants urging the waiters for food by shouting "быстро, быстро!" (fast, fast!). Thus, the world-renowned Paris "bistros" would have originated from Russian troops in Paris celebrating one of their country's greatest historical victories. This was the positive image Russkoe Bistro exploited. Russia was simply the origin of fast food, so why not reconquer it?

The backside of the logo, some people argued, was however that portraying a cossack in full uniform also brought forth visions of extreme Russian nationalism. Still, having a military as symbol is not unique to Russkoe Bistro. The well-known logotype of Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) portrays an image of its founder - Colonel Harland Sanders. Even if his title was honorific, many Americans still refer to him simply as "the colonel" without thinking the least about the propriety of a military man being the symbol of a fast food chain. It thus seems that the choice of symbol for Russkoe Bistro was truly ingenious, while most consumers would associate the image with the historical pride of how Russian culture once set a postive landmark far beyond the country's borders.

So, did the company owners realise that they were sitting on a potential gold mine? Regretfully not, by all appearance. Originating as a pet project of Moscow mayor Yuri Luzhkov, Russkoe Bistro had a grand opening intended to score political points for its founder. Its commercially viable trademark was used for political purposes to the degradation of its worth. In a few years, the fast food chain - based on franchising as McDonald's - grew from a mere three to 37 restaurants only in Moscow. This was not least because of massive financial backing from Moscow City. The financial feasibility of the project was a completely different matter as it was run as a quasi-public service.

Instead of generating the big profits that the Russkoe Bistro concept might have vouched for, little effort was made either to exploit the company's true potential or bring in the revenues that were so close at hand. Russkoe Bistro was simply mismanaged. This became evident by the August 1998 financial crisis, when the company quickly found itself on the verge of bankruptcy. Trying to respond to crisis, the company management - in contradiction to sound economic judgement - vastly expanded the menu, making it even more difficult for franchisers to break even financially.

The very concept of the fast food industry is to offer an easy-to-make menu with a limited quantity of dishes at low prices for as many customers as possible. The opposite is tantamount to increased costs, higher prices, and much more complex logistics. Expanding the menu is simply a textbook recipe for failure for a fast food company facing crisis. It is no wonder that the turnover of Russkoe Bistro and its franchisers alike dropped even more drastically than was the case for competing fast food chains.

As the company attracted increasing losses after the 1998 crisis, questions started to amass why Moscow City should keep on funding a defunct enterprise on the verge of collapse. It seemed clear to all, that if Moscow withdrew its support, the company would fall apart within days. Still, the City continued its support in contradiction to financial soundness. Soon, however, other dark clouds started to gather over the company. Thus, the Interior Ministry started an investigation on the imbestlement of Moscow public funds to the amount of $1,3 million. Apparently, large funds had been transferred via the company in a complex string of financial transactions to foreign bank accounts. The case of Russkoe Bistro soon became part of the 1999 fraud and money laundering investigation that came to be known as the Chase Manhattan Bank scandal. To this day, many of the financial irregularities surrounding the scandal remains buried by politicians and businessmen that have no interest in the truth being made public. Needless to say, mayor Luzhkov assumed no responsibility for the Russkoe Bistro part of the scandal and came out of the affaire scots free.

Still, somehow Russkoe Bistro managed to survive. The company brand had however become strongly tarnished and the fact that it was so heavily associated with public services and handouts, resulted in consumers never feeling that there was something special about the company. Instead of prouding themselves of a food chain that in objective terms was far superior to McDonald's, Muscovites regarded Russkoe Bistro as an improved version of the traditional Russian stolovaya - poor quality workplace restaurants. In 2005, the company was sold by public auction at a bargain price. The restaurant chain still exists and is highly recommendable for its good and cheap food. However, the very real chance of creating a contender to McDonald's in Russia was lost, and the value of the company both financially and as a trademark does not vouch for any rapid expansion.

What is perhaps the most tragic element of the Russkoe Bistro saga is that Russian business for once had a winning concept on their hands, which did not involve the usual easy-to-get profits emanating from natural resources. Russian entrepreneurs stood to gain the great fortunes associated with catering to basic needs. The Russkoe Bistro concept was not only competitive on the domestic market, but could also have been exported with great succees to Western consumers longing for higher-quality fast food. The paradox is perhaps that a concept so well-tuned to consumer preferences in the West, was not valued highly enough by Russians themselves.

All things that come out of Russia must not be grandiose. Even small things can be great. Regretfully, lack of vision, self-confidence and entrepreneurship remain hallmarks of Russian business to this day. It is true, that the aftermath of the 1998 financial crisis was an eye-opener for the ability of domestic high-quality production of consumption goods. Still, Russia is far from realising that its businesses may be internationally competitive also when it comes to areas beyond exports of natural resources.

With Russkoe Bistro, Russia had a potential McDonald's on their hands, but lost it due to lack of vision and sound management. If Russia had believed in itself, Russkoe Bistro might well have reconquered the boulevards of Paris - or for that sake the streets of London, Berlin or New York. Still, just like the cossacks in Paris in 1814 felt ill at ease in a foreign sorrounding, Russian entrepreneurs today may feel that the international market is foreign to them. The question is also if hypothetical current "business cossacks" would bring back unwelcome ideas of reform to Russia as their predecessors once did after the Napoleonic wars. Perhaps Russia will never be ready for the international business battle bringing back ideas for the transformation of economy, society and politics. Or is this what is gradually happening as western-educated Russians now are increasingly returning to do business on their home-turf? Only future can tell.

Saturday, July 22, 2006

Ukraine: No Juice in Orange Coalition

Earlier this week, Ukrainian Socialist leader Moroz again proclaimed the death of the Orange Coalition and the formation of a new coalition between the Socialist, the Communists and the Party of Regions. Together, the three parties control 239 out of the total of 450 seats in the Ukrainian parliament - the Verkhovna Rada. Thereby, it now definitely seems as if the last juice has been squeezed out of the orange coalition.

By his action, Moroz has abandoned his allies of the Orange Revolution and turned to the inheritants of the old regime. On Tuesday, the so called anti-crisis coalition nominated Yanukovich for Prime Minister, and the parliamentary committee chairmanships were divivded between the parties in the Rada.

The political turmoil in Ukraine since the March parliamentary elections have left the leaders of the 2004 Orange Revolution totally discredited. A recent poll, by the the Kyiv International Sociology Institute and the Kyiv Political and Conflict Studies Center, shows that Ukrainians now have more confidence in Viktor Yanukovych, leader of the Party of Regions, than they have in President Viktor Yushchenko and political bloc leader Yulia Tymoshenko.

Thus, since February, the confidence for the president has shrunk from 37% to 20% in July, whereas the support for his opponents has increased from 35% to 43% during the same period. Being previously portrayed as a scoundrel during the Orange Revolution, opposition against Party of Regions' leader Yanukovich has shrunk from 42% to a mere 35%.

Due to the political crisis in the country, there have been widespread speculations that president Yushchenko would use his constitutional right to proclaim new elections. However, support for such a measure is low among the population. Thus, 54% of Ukrainians oppose such an option whereas new elections are supported by not more than 26%.

What is evident is that the ideals of the orange revolution now have been permanently buried in Ukrainian politics. Events during spring instead show how cynic realist politics once again stands as victor over the will of the people for democratic change. The heroes from Maidan are now pilloried and exposed to a public ridicule they certainly deserve. Still, politics is distant from popular sentiment.

Then, were the Ukrainians too naïve in their belief in change and reforms? The answer must be an unequivocal no. The people rose to the challenge. It was their leaders who were not equal to the task of transformning Ukraine. Thus, the people has been robbed of its beliefs - if not by its ideals - due to the petty self-interest of its leaders. Still, for the children of the Orange Revolution something has fundamentally changed. Even though there is little trust in their erstwhile leaders, they have experienced that they may take their destiny into their own hands and form a new Ukraine. This will take time, but the time will also come when a new generation with new ideals will reach power to conquer Ukraine's rightful place in European politics.

Friday, July 21, 2006

Latvia: Will Riga Allow 2006 Pride Parade?

The 2006 Riga Pride Parade, planned for tomorrow, seems to become a repetition of last year's chaos and homophobic protests in the Latvian capital. On Tuesday, the Riga City Council decided to ban the parade referring to threats of violence, the Baltic Times reports.

The organisers - Latvia’s Mozaika gay rights group - yesterday appealed the decision in court, but will not go through with the parade if authorities decline to grant permission.

The Pride Parade is very controversial in Latvia. The country's LGBT-movement right to public assembly is backed by the Latvian President, but Christian leaders, conservative politicians, and a large part of the public opposes the the Pride Parade on moral and religious grounds.

Last September, the Latvian parliament - the Saeima - initiated a process towards a constitutional ban on same-sex marriage. However, in contrast to Latvian populist politicians, Latvian president, Vaira Vike-Freiberga, is adamant in her support to civil rights also including gay people:

The refusal to authorize this parade is unacceptable in a democratic country because Latvia's priorities are those articles of the Constitution, which enable people to express their opinion and the state should make it possible for them.


Last summer, Latvia's first gay pride parade was arranged, provoking violent protests from rightist groups throwing eggs and tomatoes at gay demonstrators. Then, some 30 people participated in the march, whereas several thousands had gathered to protest against it or to watch it as a freak event. In contrast to last year's low turnout, some 500 people are now expected to participate in Saturday's march.

It is with reference to the 2005 events, that the Riga City Council this year argued that the city cannot safeguard the security of gay demonstrators. A similar decision to ban the 2005 pride parade was overturned by court, why organisers are confident that they will be able to carry through also with this year's event.

If organisers will not be able to go through with the 2006 Riga Pride parade, Latvia's international reputation seems destined to be tarnished. Riga has been chosen as the venue for the NATO-Summit in November, but if Latvian authorities fail to safeguard civil rights in the country - regardless of sexual preference - voices will inevitably be raised to move the Summit.

President Vike-Freiberga, along with several leading politicians, clearly realises that Latvia must shoulder its responsibility in becoming a concomitant part of European democratic culture also on this point, and will therefore most likely support the struggle for gay rights despite widespread popular resistance. Thus, the prospects for gay people in Latvia seem destined to improve gradually over coming years, even if the country will have a very long way to go before acceptance and tolerance of gay people will prevail.

Update:
On Friday, the Riga court of appeals ruled against allowing the 2006 Pride Parade, thus infringing civil rights for public order reasons. The ban on the Pride Parade effectively prevents the 2006 parade and leaves future events much in peril.

On Saturday, participants of the Riga Pride festival had to take refuge in buildings were remaining events of the festival took place. Thousands of homophobic demonstrators had turned out into the streets, throwing eggs and human excrements at the about 100 Pride participants.